Friday, August 21, 2009

Shop Attendants Cover Letter

Pentagon endorsed Zedillo CSG and paramilitaries in Chiapas



authorized Zedillo CSG and paramilitaries in Chiapas Support, U.S. says


Report of the Defense Intelligence Agency mentioned the Army's participation

These armed groups were supervised by the Mexican military intelligence during the dates on which perpetrated the massacre of Acteal

  • The National Security Archive filed documents
David Brooks - Correspondent

New York, 20 August. The Defense Intelligence Agency of the United States reported on the "direct support" of the Mexican Army paramilitary Chiapas, which since mid-1994 provided with the permission of then president Carlos Salinas, as part of the counterinsurgency strategy against the Zapatistas, and notes that these armed groups were under the supervision of the Mexican military intelligence during the dates of perpetrated the massacre in Acteal, and Ernesto Zedillo as the Executive. This is reflected in recently declassified U.S. official documents and presented today by the organization called the National Security Archive (National Security Archive).

A cable sent by the Defence Attaché of the United States in Mexico to head the Defense Intelligence Agency, (DIA, for its acronym in English), the Pentagon's request, dated May 4, 1999, reports that "by mid 1994, the Mexican Army had presidential authorization for military equipment institute responsible for promoting armed groups in conflict areas of Chiapas. The intent was to assist local personnel in resisting indigenous Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN). In addition, during the slaughter of Acteal 1997, Army intelligence officers were involved in monitoring armed groups in highland Chiapas. "


In describing the "direct support" of the Mexican army armed indigenous groups in the area of \u200b\u200bChiapas where Acteal is located, the cable reports on a clandestine network of "human intelligence teams (intelligence officers) formed by the Army in mid-1994, with the approval of then-President Carlos Salinas de Gortari. These teams were tasked to infiltrate communities to obtain information on "sympathetic" Zapatistas.

was these teams, he adds, armed groups who promoted anti-zapatista-that is, paramilitary, giving both "training" to protect against public safety authorities and military units in the region. The cable reports that these activities are already conducted from December 1997, when the massacre of Acteal.

"The most important thing about the DIA documents that directly contradict the official story of the massacre told by the government of President Ernesto Zedillo," said Kate Doyle, director of the Mexico Project at the National Security Archive, in its presentation of Your organization's documents obtained under freedom of information laws and released on its website. Doyle noted that the report of the Attorney General of the Republic, Jorge Madrazo, in 1998, the PGR said it had documented the existence of armed civilian groups in Chenalho, "no organized, created, trained and financed by the Mexican military or other government agencies, but its management and organization respond to a given internal logic of confrontation between communities and within communities, the Zapatista support bases.

DIA cable also provides details never before known about the functioning of teams of "human intelligence" of the Mexican Army in providing this support. The cable describes these teams were made "primarily by young officers with the rank of captain second and first sergeants as well as some selected that spoke dialects of the region. "

The report sent to the headquarters of the EIS says that the equipment human intelligence "consisted of three to four people, who were assigned to cover communities for a period of three or four months. After three months, officers from the teams were rotated to a different community in Chiapas. Concern for the safety of the teams was the most important reason for the rotation of these every three months. "

for Doyle, these documents lead to the conclusion that the logic of the Ministry of National Defense (SEDENA) was "a carefully planned counterinsurgency strategy that combined civic action programs, often announced by the Defense Department told the press-secret intelligence operations designed to strengthen the paramilitaries and provoke conflict against supporters of the EZLN. "

Doyle criticizes the lack of access and provision of the Mexican government to all documentation on Acteal. "Until the current administration decided to honor his obligation to inform their citizens about the truth of the slaughter of 1997, the clamor of the people by the facts remain lost in the unprocessed files. And we are only turning to the U.S. is seeking Information on the Mexican Army and Acteal. "

troop deployment

In the second of two declassified documents and presented by the National Security Archive, it transmits information on the deployment of 5 000 elements of troops by the Zedillo government to bolster the 30 thousand deployed permanently in Chiapas, or what is called "conflict zone" - immediately after the slaughter of 45 Tzotzil Indians in Acteal, 22 December 1997. Citing

"open source", that is, the media, as well as secret, the defense attache's office in the United States in Mexico reports to the DIA in the cable dated December 31, 1997, that about 2000 troops plus other forces were deployed in the area of \u200b\u200bChenalho to provide "law and order" in the region, as well as "social work" to indigenous communities, particularly communities displaced by the MIRA group. Indicates that members of the paramilitary group have ruled the area for "threats and violence in the region Chenalhó." At the same time, it is reported that other units were "put on alert to assist in the event of an uprising."

Among the "open source" cited in the document, including some publications referred to La Jornada, which is referred to as "a newspaper considered to be well written, leaning to the left, with good news coverage."

Midnight Without Clothes Models

Revelations of Washington on the role of the army in Acteal

Hermann Bellinghausen

Sooner or later, the files speak. Retracted, mutilated, edited, presumably controlled the day comes that can spark gaps and past political crimes. Now we see one of the most painful in recent times: the slaughter of Acteal. Two weeks before the controversial ruling of the Supreme Court of Justice (SCJN) that released 20 paramilitary and said the process to others, including murderers confessed, the case takes unexpected directions.

We develop a political scenario was not considered by the media and legal unearthed Acteal. While they despise systematically press radio and television the very possibility of official responsibility of the armed forces, no arguments and with his hand, reports in the U.S. appear to open the document window to confirm what was reported in La Jornada between 1997 and 1998 on military involvement and police, based on a counter plan to combat the Zapatista communities in Chiapas.

This, right now that even the PRI itself apart from the actions of the government of Ernesto Zedillo at the time, and even suggests it should be investigated. That seems to be enough to prevent Emilio Chuayffet (Secretary of the Interior when the slaughter took place) to become its leader in the new House of Deputies. There are indications that the Salinas risen not want to load zedillato dead, but is letter Chuayffet Enrique Peña Nieto, for that family in Mexico state.

researcher Kate Doyle, director of the Mexico Project at the National Security Archive in Washington, revealed declassified Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) of the United States describing the role of the federal army "in support paramilitary groups in Chiapas at the time of the murders. " Secret cables "confirmed reports of military support to indigenous groups who carried out armed attacks against pro-Zapatista communities." He also revived an issue "latent" Doyle says: "When the military's tell the truth about his role in Acteal?" (The National Security Archive, 20 August).

Doyle notes that the documents "contradict the official story about the slaughter", prepared by the Zedillo administration, which reduced her to a local problem, intercommunity. In a telegram to the DIA in Washington on May 4, 1999, the defense attache's office in the United States in Mexico said "the 'direct support' Army armed groups in the mountainous areas of Chiapas, which took place killings. " The document describes "a clandestine network of" human intelligence teams' (HUMINT) Created in mid-1994 with the approval of then-President Carlos Salinas, who worked in indigenous communities to gather intelligence on the 'supporters' Zapatistas. " To promote anti-zapatista armed groups, the HUMINT gave "training and protection from arrest by the agencies of law enforcement and military units patrolling the region."

The researcher states: "Although the cable was written in 1999, adding U.S. was careful to point out that military intelligence officers were supervising federal armed groups in December 1997." The document provides details "never mentioned" in official versions. The "human intelligence teams," explained the military attache, "were composed of young officers with the rank of captain," and some sergeants "who spoke dialects of the region." These Humint, integrated with three or four people were assigned to "select communities" for three or four months and then "rotated to a different community." Not only

. And in another report in the same military office of the U.S. embassy in Mexico, sent on December 31, 1997, described the deployment of federal troops in "conflict zones" of Chiapas. Citing confidential sources, open the document indicates that President Zedillo sent thousands of troops more to the region after the slaughter of 45 indigenous people on 22 December of that year. The new units were "on alert to participate in the event of a possible uprising." (Report to the EIS, released by the National Security Archive under a requirement covered in the Freedom of Information Act, FOIA, and released in Washington in February 2008).

Friday, August 14, 2009

Latest News On Rimi Tomy

pictures Acteal state officials involved

The then Governor Julio Cesar Ruiz Ferro, is credited with the phrase "let them be killed" when the then Mayor of Chenalhó, Jacinto Arias Cruz, was notified of a series of violent incidents that were starring Zapatistas and PRI members of various communities. Ruiz Ferro resigned in mid-January 1998.


Pictured Ruiz Ferro is accompanied by one of the leaders of "Peace and Justice" in January 1997 in the municipal seat of Tila. Justcia peace and another paramilitary group was created to counter the progress of the Zapatistas in the north of Chiapas.


Homero Tovilla Cristiani, was the secretary of State when he was the slaughter. In its role as responsible for the internal politics of the state was a gray and mediocre officer was aware of previous incidents to the slaughter and did nothing to prevent what turned into a tragedy.


Uriel Jarquin Galvez, was the general secretary of Government of Chiapas, more skilful than Tovilla Cristiani. With a history of militancy in the ranks of the left, Uriel was a shrewd political operator, very clever. Was that, in the grayness of his immediate boss, was the face, negotiated, threatened, repressed, ordered. Also learned that what was generated Acteal also did nothing. the last time you heard of him, was an adviser d ela PRD caucus in the Congress of Michoacan.


Jorge Gamboa Solis, a retired general was responsible for the State Coordination of Public Safety. More aware that nobody was armed civilian groups operating in the region of Chenalho. After the events disappeared from the political map of Chiapas and today is one of federal fugitives.


Retired Gen. Julio Cesar Santiago Diaz, was the police chief with the highest rank was closest to the shooting, no more than a mile. Heard the gunfire and did nothing to stop the killing or call in reinforcements to pursue the armed group that carried out the Indians. He was imprisoned a few years but was released after very ill.


Jorge Enrique Hernandez Aguilar was the advisor for the overall coordination of public safety, was one of the first on the scene. He is reputed to have altered the crime scene. Giving orders to collect the bodies, shouting, "come quick before the press." Having once been a social activist to this character is linked to other cases of torture and extrajudicial executions. This free, teaches at a private school, write a journal of Chiapas and this week raided the radio.

Mario Salieri The Family

Acteal: Military involved .. . We

Acteal After slaughter, the only group that was playing was never in the military. General Mario Renan Castillo Fernandez was the commander dela VII Military Region in Chiapas. Expert on counterinsurgency strategy. The military leader came to Chiapas in 1994 to plan and lead the attack against the EZLN. Next to him, other soldiers were accused but never called to testify. One of these soldiers who state police said, was the official name of the Mexican Army Germain Laparra Salgado, head of the Joint Operating Base (BOM) which was established in the town of Chenalho.

Friday, August 7, 2009

Brown Spotted Dress From Pretty Woman

Open Letter-hit


LIC. Juan Sabines Guerrero
GOVERNOR OF CHIAPAS.
A STATE COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
THE HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION OF THE FRAY BARTOLOME C.
TO PUBLIC OPINION.
A MEDIA .



Salto de Agua, Chiapas, on August 6, 2009.


Today August 6, women in the Colony Fray Bartolome de las Casas of the town of Salto de Agua, were attacked with great violence by the municipal police office facilities, when so peaceful we were about to go to the office of Mr. Mayor Manuel Sanchez Guzman with the intention to initiate a dialogue to resolve the problem of shortage of running water for several months that we do not have this vital fluid in our colony.

Repeatedly, we have outside the municipality that is important to address this claim as meaning people to prevent further suffering and the risk of becoming ill with influenza H1N1 oft, however we have found closure and the poor sensitivity human municipal authorities headed by the PRD Manuel Sánchez Guzmán. Far from solving our just demand the right to have water, beat us and greet us with tear gas.

Given this situation of violence towards us poor and marginalized women to demand a better service and a decent life, we ask:


· Solution urgent the problem of running water.

· Write-offs and immediate removal of the rappers police women, headed by the so-called "Don Moses."

• We demand health care for women poisoned by tear gas.

• We ask for respectful treatment from the authorities and an end to the aggression that characterized mode of governance of the incumbent president Manuel Sánchez Guzmán.

• We demand respect for our human rights


CAREFULLY:
WOMEN AND SETTLERS IN THE COLONY FRAY BARTOLOME, SALTO DE AGUA, CHIAPAS.


RESPONSIBLE FOR RELEASE: CAROLINA CRUZ PEREZ