Bra Sizes Comparisons

THE CRY OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE ABOVE

live our independence! Long live the heroes who gave no country! Viva Mexico! Viva Mexico!, Is the ridiculous cry in the night of September 15 each of which stand as governors, is the cry of those who yesterday attacked those who fought for independence, is the pathetic cry of the gentlemen in suits and tie where each September 15 look so hypocritical patriotism, is the cry of every ruler where they look their best scream "Mexican" from the symbol of power, the balcony, before a crowd, responding in unison, "Viva Mexico", ignorant of their own history that conforms to see the band at the moment. I wonder

"Viva Mexico? when their children die of hunger and curable diseases ...

"Viva Mexico? when their wives are murdered in Ciudad Juárez ...

"Viva Mexico? when their children are killed, missing and imprisoned for raising their voice of discontent ...

"Viva Mexico? when the Supreme Court frees paramilitaries massacred men, women and children in Acteal ...

"Viva Mexico? when their social activists are in jail accused of terrorism and while the real criminals in public office ... (the beautiful governor, Ulises Ruiz, Elba Esther, Peña Nieto, etc., etc.). ...

"Viva Mexico? when there is no justice for the deaths of 48 children in Hermosillo, Sonora ...


"Viva Mexico? when our country is going through a financial meltdown ...

"Viva Mexico? when there is a mass exodus of its men, women and children who are in search of better opportunities in the U.S. ...

"Viva Mexico? For these and a number of

atrocities ... This is my cry to remember the struggle for independence started by Hidalgo, Morelos, Allende, Doña Josefa Ortiz de Dominguez, etc. And you like screaming? ... Let us join our screams to start the second Independence ...

The love of country is not ridiculous love of the land,
or grass they tread our plants.
is invincible hatred whom the press, is the eternal grudge
who attacks it.

the flower will not die of the WORD.
may die the missing face of those who named today,
but the word that came from the bottom of the story and the earth,
and not be torn by pride and power.

the "patriots" of today are in different parties. It is assumed that up there, for example, center, left and right, but at election time they all piled in the center. It was as if the geometry shrinks and all pile in the center screaming "I AM" ...

"I am," says the National Action Party.

The PAN, the party of nostalgia for the democratic struggle, Gomez Morin and "political humanism." Nostalgia for the Opus Dei, the wall, the ACJM and Canoeing. Nostalgia for the war of the Cristeros, the Shroud and Beaker Hill. Nostalgia for the good conscience, morals, people well. Nostalgia for cultural triumph and social section in the newspaper (when it was different from the police). Nostalgia for Maximilian, Carlota, Elton John and the time when we were empire. The nostalgia for the aspirin administered Sunday from the pulpit of a pederast, the ring side or the visit of the Pope, and the retreats of "save the world from communist devil, be soldiers of God." Nostalgia for the evenings of bridge, tea - basket, the Knights of Columbus. Nostalgia for the burning of the ballots of the 1988 election and co-government with the PRI. The nostalgia for a calendar that were not. The nostalgia for "the Fatherland, my friend, is imprisoned in history a convent. "

As the current federal government, the PAN is now led by right-wing organization El Yunque. Under his weight PAN lies the historic and nostalgia for family, shrouded in blue blankets. And it's the El Yunque that (who said) trying to convince us that the PAN is now a central political organization.

"I am", says the PRI, the Institutional Revolutionary Party.

The PRI, the party of "development stabilizer ". The creator of the state party, naked at the time by the analysis of José Revueltas, Adolfo Gilly, Daniel Cosio Villegas, Pablo Gonzalez Casanova. The" Mister Amigou. The Suppression of the doctors, the railroad, the electricians. The massacres of October 2, 1968 and June 10, 1971. The dirty war in the 70 and 80. The devaluations. That of electoral fraud. The one with the "crazy mouse", the "shoe boxes", "Operation Tamale" electoral democracy is summarized in the slogan "ratchet and cap, soda and cake." The theft, plunder, fraud, murder, workers, peasants, students, teachers, employees. The Fidel Velásquez Rodríguez Alcaine, Jong, Elba Esther Gordillo. The Hill of the Dog. The Absalom Castellanos, The electoral fraud of 88. The Salinas clan. The one on the counter Article 27 of the Constitution. The missed entry of the First World. The killing of Ocosingo market. The Solitaire Aburto and even more lonely Colosio. The betrayal of February 95. The VAT. The Acteal, Aguas Blancas and El Charco. The start of the nightmare in Ciudad Juárez. To "sign an agreement and not enforced." The "do not bring cash." The violent breakup of the student strike at UNAM in 1999. The history of electoral propaganda. The imposition of neoliberal policies that have destroyed the foundation of Mexico. The privatization of state enterprises. The vote for impeachment. The organized crime into a political party. The "the-country-my-good-is-a-bitch-that-regentea-the-most-weevil-or-be-me-mere." On the PRI

not much to add to what it said and suffered. The PRI, which emerged from the Mexican revolution of 1910, is today, the party most likely to cause a revolution in the country. The PRI has no ties to organized crime: it is part of the management of drug cartels, kidnapping, prostitution, trafficking in persons. The cynicism with which its leaders discarded the memory has to speak and act as if not more than 70 years would lead to abuse of power and profiting from its use. The pre-campaign and PRI campaigns are the best vehicle to provoke the indignation of the people ... and rebellion.

"I am," says the PRD, the Democratic Revolution Party.

The PRD, the party of "tactical errors." The tactical error with his electoral pacts, encourage family businesses disguised as games. The tactical error in alliance with the PAN and the PRI some states in others. The tactical error of the indigenous counter-paramilitary Zinacantan. The tactical error of Rosario Robles and video scandals. The tactical error to harass and suppress the student movement at UNAM in 1999. The tactical error "Ebrard law" and the "Monsanto Law." The error cede tactical Zocalo Mexico City Entertainment monopolies. The tactical error to team up with the psalmist. The imported tactical error "zero tolerance" and to prosecute young gays and lesbians for the "crime" of being different. The tactical error of betraying the memory of their dead, causing candidates to their murderers and retrain the lawless of PRI candidates. The tactical error of turning movements in party and government bureaucracies. The tactical error handling death of Digna Ochoa, Pavel González to flatter to the right. The tactical error of the uncertainty facing the resistance and liberation movements in other countries, to lower his head against American power and to curry favor with the powerful. The tactical error of infighting and fraud in the primaries.

"No justice for the people, there is no peace for the government" is the cry of the people below, people humble people who fight for Mexico to stop being a shame and that flag tricolor flown with dignity at the top. Rage is the cry of those who today are mourning the night, those who refuse the day. But the morning light will ...

Vale. Health and dignity never lose the memory that dies if it is lost.

Shop Attendants Cover Letter

Pentagon endorsed Zedillo CSG and paramilitaries in Chiapas

authorized Zedillo CSG and paramilitaries in Chiapas Support, U.S. says

Report of the Defense Intelligence Agency mentioned the Army's participation

These armed groups were supervised by the Mexican military intelligence during the dates on which perpetrated the massacre of Acteal

• The National Security Archive filed documents

David Brooks - Correspondent

New York, 20 August. The Defense Intelligence Agency of the United States reported on the "direct support" of the Mexican Army paramilitary Chiapas, which since mid-1994 provided with the permission of then president Carlos Salinas, as part of the counterinsurgency strategy against the Zapatistas, and notes that these armed groups were under the supervision of the Mexican military intelligence during the dates of perpetrated the massacre in Acteal, and Ernesto Zedillo as the Executive. This is reflected in recently declassified U.S. official documents and presented today by the organization called the National Security Archive (National Security Archive).

A cable sent by the Defence Attaché of the United States in Mexico to head the Defense Intelligence Agency, (DIA, for its acronym in English), the Pentagon's request, dated May 4, 1999, reports that "by mid 1994, the Mexican Army had presidential authorization for military equipment institute responsible for promoting armed groups in conflict areas of Chiapas. The intent was to assist local personnel in resisting indigenous Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN). In addition, during the slaughter of Acteal 1997, Army intelligence officers were involved in monitoring armed groups in highland Chiapas. "


In describing the "direct support" of the Mexican army armed indigenous groups in the area of \u200b\u200bChiapas where Acteal is located, the cable reports on a clandestine network of "human intelligence teams (intelligence officers) formed by the Army in mid-1994, with the approval of then-President Carlos Salinas de Gortari. These teams were tasked to infiltrate communities to obtain information on "sympathetic" Zapatistas.

was these teams, he adds, armed groups who promoted anti-zapatista-that is, paramilitary, giving both "training" to protect against public safety authorities and military units in the region. The cable reports that these activities are already conducted from December 1997, when the massacre of Acteal.

"The most important thing about the DIA documents that directly contradict the official story of the massacre told by the government of President Ernesto Zedillo," said Kate Doyle, director of the Mexico Project at the National Security Archive, in its presentation of Your organization's documents obtained under freedom of information laws and released on its website. Doyle noted that the report of the Attorney General of the Republic, Jorge Madrazo, in 1998, the PGR said it had documented the existence of armed civilian groups in Chenalho, "no organized, created, trained and financed by the Mexican military or other government agencies, but its management and organization respond to a given internal logic of confrontation between communities and within communities, the Zapatista support bases.

DIA cable also provides details never before known about the functioning of teams of "human intelligence" of the Mexican Army in providing this support. The cable describes these teams were made "primarily by young officers with the rank of captain second and first sergeants as well as some selected that spoke dialects of the region. "

The report sent to the headquarters of the EIS says that the equipment human intelligence "consisted of three to four people, who were assigned to cover communities for a period of three or four months. After three months, officers from the teams were rotated to a different community in Chiapas. Concern for the safety of the teams was the most important reason for the rotation of these every three months. "

for Doyle, these documents lead to the conclusion that the logic of the Ministry of National Defense (SEDENA) was "a carefully planned counterinsurgency strategy that combined civic action programs, often announced by the Defense Department told the press-secret intelligence operations designed to strengthen the paramilitaries and provoke conflict against supporters of the EZLN. "

Doyle criticizes the lack of access and provision of the Mexican government to all documentation on Acteal. "Until the current administration decided to honor his obligation to inform their citizens about the truth of the slaughter of 1997, the clamor of the people by the facts remain lost in the unprocessed files. And we are only turning to the U.S. is seeking Information on the Mexican Army and Acteal. "

troop deployment

In the second of two declassified documents and presented by the National Security Archive, it transmits information on the deployment of 5 000 elements of troops by the Zedillo government to bolster the 30 thousand deployed permanently in Chiapas, or what is called "conflict zone" - immediately after the slaughter of 45 Tzotzil Indians in Acteal, 22 December 1997. Citing

"open source", that is, the media, as well as secret, the defense attache's office in the United States in Mexico reports to the DIA in the cable dated December 31, 1997, that about 2000 troops plus other forces were deployed in the area of \u200b\u200bChenalho to provide "law and order" in the region, as well as "social work" to indigenous communities, particularly communities displaced by the MIRA group. Indicates that members of the paramilitary group have ruled the area for "threats and violence in the region Chenalhó." At the same time, it is reported that other units were "put on alert to assist in the event of an uprising."

Among the "open source" cited in the document, including some publications referred to La Jornada, which is referred to as "a newspaper considered to be well written, leaning to the left, with good news coverage."

Midnight Without Clothes Models

Revelations of Washington on the role of the army in Acteal

Hermann Bellinghausen

Sooner or later, the files speak. Retracted, mutilated, edited, presumably controlled the day comes that can spark gaps and past political crimes. Now we see one of the most painful in recent times: the slaughter of Acteal. Two weeks before the controversial ruling of the Supreme Court of Justice (SCJN) that released 20 paramilitary and said the process to others, including murderers confessed, the case takes unexpected directions.

We develop a political scenario was not considered by the media and legal unearthed Acteal. While they despise systematically press radio and television the very possibility of official responsibility of the armed forces, no arguments and with his hand, reports in the U.S. appear to open the document window to confirm what was reported in La Jornada between 1997 and 1998 on military involvement and police, based on a counter plan to combat the Zapatista communities in Chiapas.

This, right now that even the PRI itself apart from the actions of the government of Ernesto Zedillo at the time, and even suggests it should be investigated. That seems to be enough to prevent Emilio Chuayffet (Secretary of the Interior when the slaughter took place) to become its leader in the new House of Deputies. There are indications that the Salinas risen not want to load zedillato dead, but is letter Chuayffet Enrique Peña Nieto, for that family in Mexico state.

researcher Kate Doyle, director of the Mexico Project at the National Security Archive in Washington, revealed declassified Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) of the United States describing the role of the federal army "in support paramilitary groups in Chiapas at the time of the murders. " Secret cables "confirmed reports of military support to indigenous groups who carried out armed attacks against pro-Zapatista communities." He also revived an issue "latent" Doyle says: "When the military's tell the truth about his role in Acteal?" (The National Security Archive, 20 August).

Doyle notes that the documents "contradict the official story about the slaughter", prepared by the Zedillo administration, which reduced her to a local problem, intercommunity. In a telegram to the DIA in Washington on May 4, 1999, the defense attache's office in the United States in Mexico said "the 'direct support' Army armed groups in the mountainous areas of Chiapas, which took place killings. " The document describes "a clandestine network of" human intelligence teams' (HUMINT) Created in mid-1994 with the approval of then-President Carlos Salinas, who worked in indigenous communities to gather intelligence on the 'supporters' Zapatistas. " To promote anti-zapatista armed groups, the HUMINT gave "training and protection from arrest by the agencies of law enforcement and military units patrolling the region."

The researcher states: "Although the cable was written in 1999, adding U.S. was careful to point out that military intelligence officers were supervising federal armed groups in December 1997." The document provides details "never mentioned" in official versions. The "human intelligence teams," explained the military attache, "were composed of young officers with the rank of captain," and some sergeants "who spoke dialects of the region." These Humint, integrated with three or four people were assigned to "select communities" for three or four months and then "rotated to a different community." Not only

. And in another report in the same military office of the U.S. embassy in Mexico, sent on December 31, 1997, described the deployment of federal troops in "conflict zones" of Chiapas. Citing confidential sources, open the document indicates that President Zedillo sent thousands of troops more to the region after the slaughter of 45 indigenous people on 22 December of that year. The new units were "on alert to participate in the event of a possible uprising." (Report to the EIS, released by the National Security Archive under a requirement covered in the Freedom of Information Act, FOIA, and released in Washington in February 2008).