Hermann Bellinghausen
Sooner or later, the files speak. Retracted, mutilated, edited, presumably controlled the day comes that can spark gaps and past political crimes. Now we see one of the most painful in recent times: the slaughter of Acteal. Two weeks before the controversial ruling of the Supreme Court of Justice (SCJN) that released 20 paramilitary and said the process to others, including murderers confessed, the case takes unexpected directions.
We develop a political scenario was not considered by the media and legal unearthed Acteal. While they despise systematically press radio and television the very possibility of official responsibility of the armed forces, no arguments and with his hand, reports in the U.S. appear to open the document window to confirm what was reported in La Jornada between 1997 and 1998 on military involvement and police, based on a counter plan to combat the Zapatista communities in Chiapas.
This, right now that even the PRI itself apart from the actions of the government of Ernesto Zedillo at the time, and even suggests it should be investigated. That seems to be enough to prevent Emilio Chuayffet (Secretary of the Interior when the slaughter took place) to become its leader in the new House of Deputies. There are indications that the Salinas risen not want to load zedillato dead, but is letter Chuayffet Enrique Peña Nieto, for that family in Mexico state.
researcher Kate Doyle, director of the Mexico Project at the National Security Archive in Washington, revealed declassified Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) of the United States describing the role of the federal army "in support paramilitary groups in Chiapas at the time of the murders. " Secret cables "confirmed reports of military support to indigenous groups who carried out armed attacks against pro-Zapatista communities." He also revived an issue "latent" Doyle says: "When the military's tell the truth about his role in Acteal?" (The National Security Archive, 20 August).
Doyle notes that the documents "contradict the official story about the slaughter", prepared by the Zedillo administration, which reduced her to a local problem, intercommunity. In a telegram to the DIA in Washington on May 4, 1999, the defense attache's office in the United States in Mexico said "the 'direct support' Army armed groups in the mountainous areas of Chiapas, which took place killings. " The document describes "a clandestine network of" human intelligence teams' (HUMINT) Created in mid-1994 with the approval of then-President Carlos Salinas, who worked in indigenous communities to gather intelligence on the 'supporters' Zapatistas. " To promote anti-zapatista armed groups, the HUMINT gave "training and protection from arrest by the agencies of law enforcement and military units patrolling the region."
The researcher states: "Although the cable was written in 1999, adding U.S. was careful to point out that military intelligence officers were supervising federal armed groups in December 1997." The document provides details "never mentioned" in official versions. The "human intelligence teams," explained the military attache, "were composed of young officers with the rank of captain," and some sergeants "who spoke dialects of the region." These Humint, integrated with three or four people were assigned to "select communities" for three or four months and then "rotated to a different community." Not only
. And in another report in the same military office of the U.S. embassy in Mexico, sent on December 31, 1997, described the deployment of federal troops in "conflict zones" of Chiapas. Citing confidential sources, open the document indicates that President Zedillo sent thousands of troops more to the region after the slaughter of 45 indigenous people on 22 December of that year. The new units were "on alert to participate in the event of a possible uprising." (Report to the EIS, released by the National Security Archive under a requirement covered in the Freedom of Information Act, FOIA, and released in Washington in February 2008).
Sooner or later, the files speak. Retracted, mutilated, edited, presumably controlled the day comes that can spark gaps and past political crimes. Now we see one of the most painful in recent times: the slaughter of Acteal. Two weeks before the controversial ruling of the Supreme Court of Justice (SCJN) that released 20 paramilitary and said the process to others, including murderers confessed, the case takes unexpected directions.
We develop a political scenario was not considered by the media and legal unearthed Acteal. While they despise systematically press radio and television the very possibility of official responsibility of the armed forces, no arguments and with his hand, reports in the U.S. appear to open the document window to confirm what was reported in La Jornada between 1997 and 1998 on military involvement and police, based on a counter plan to combat the Zapatista communities in Chiapas.
This, right now that even the PRI itself apart from the actions of the government of Ernesto Zedillo at the time, and even suggests it should be investigated. That seems to be enough to prevent Emilio Chuayffet (Secretary of the Interior when the slaughter took place) to become its leader in the new House of Deputies. There are indications that the Salinas risen not want to load zedillato dead, but is letter Chuayffet Enrique Peña Nieto, for that family in Mexico state.
researcher Kate Doyle, director of the Mexico Project at the National Security Archive in Washington, revealed declassified Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) of the United States describing the role of the federal army "in support paramilitary groups in Chiapas at the time of the murders. " Secret cables "confirmed reports of military support to indigenous groups who carried out armed attacks against pro-Zapatista communities." He also revived an issue "latent" Doyle says: "When the military's tell the truth about his role in Acteal?" (The National Security Archive, 20 August).
Doyle notes that the documents "contradict the official story about the slaughter", prepared by the Zedillo administration, which reduced her to a local problem, intercommunity. In a telegram to the DIA in Washington on May 4, 1999, the defense attache's office in the United States in Mexico said "the 'direct support' Army armed groups in the mountainous areas of Chiapas, which took place killings. " The document describes "a clandestine network of" human intelligence teams' (HUMINT) Created in mid-1994 with the approval of then-President Carlos Salinas, who worked in indigenous communities to gather intelligence on the 'supporters' Zapatistas. " To promote anti-zapatista armed groups, the HUMINT gave "training and protection from arrest by the agencies of law enforcement and military units patrolling the region."
The researcher states: "Although the cable was written in 1999, adding U.S. was careful to point out that military intelligence officers were supervising federal armed groups in December 1997." The document provides details "never mentioned" in official versions. The "human intelligence teams," explained the military attache, "were composed of young officers with the rank of captain," and some sergeants "who spoke dialects of the region." These Humint, integrated with three or four people were assigned to "select communities" for three or four months and then "rotated to a different community." Not only
. And in another report in the same military office of the U.S. embassy in Mexico, sent on December 31, 1997, described the deployment of federal troops in "conflict zones" of Chiapas. Citing confidential sources, open the document indicates that President Zedillo sent thousands of troops more to the region after the slaughter of 45 indigenous people on 22 December of that year. The new units were "on alert to participate in the event of a possible uprising." (Report to the EIS, released by the National Security Archive under a requirement covered in the Freedom of Information Act, FOIA, and released in Washington in February 2008).
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